Uyghur News ( Thursday, Oct 10, 2019)

Most links listed below can also be found at:

[*] ’There’s no hope for the rest of us.’ Uyghur scientists swept up in China’s massive detentions

[*] Finally, some consequences for China’s concentration camps

[*] Tashpolat Tiyip: The Uighur leading geographer who vanished in China

[*] China disturbs even the Uighur dead in ‘development’ of Xinjiang

[*] US-China trade war update: how the NBA, Xinjiang bans and Hong Kong are affecting trade talks

[*] Science organizations speak out in defense of Uyghur academics

[*] Family of Uyghur in Belgium Under House Arrest After Abduction From Embassy in Beijing

[*] Video: NBA Security Takes Fan’s ‘Google Uyghurs’ Sign

[*] Pompeo says China’s treatment of Muslims ‘enormous human rights violation’

China Accused of Harvesting Organs of Uighurs, Falun Gong Religious Group [National Review]

A human rights lawyer has accused the Chinese government of murdering members of the Uighur Muslim minority and the Falun Gong religious group to harvest their organs, and has urged the U.N. Human Rights Council to investigate the allegations.

The lawyer, Hamid Sabi, represents the China Tribunal, an independent panel founded to examine the issue of Chinese organ harvesting. The tribunal is headed by British Lawyer Sir Geoffery Nice, who previously led the prosecution against Serbian president Slobodan Miloševi?.

“Forced organ harvesting from prisoners of conscience, including the religious minorities of Falun Gong and Uighurs, has been committed for years throughout China on a significant scale,” Sabi told the U.N.H.R.C. on Tuesday.

The tribunal’s final report on the matter details abuses committed by the Chinese government, and asserts that the government sanctioned doctors to “cut open [victims’ bodies] while still alive for their kidneys, livers, hearts, lungs, cornea and skin to be removed and turned into commodities for sale.”

Falun Gong, a religious practice based on meditation, has long been banned in China. Its practitioners are often imprisoned.

China maintains that it ceased using organs from executed prisoners in 2015.

Waiting times in China for an organ transplant are extremely low, leading patients from overseas to seek treatment there. The tribunal charges that under Chinese organ donation laws, the supply of organs on the market should be much lower than it currently stands if all the donations are voluntarily given.

China is concurrently accused of human rights violations with regard to the Uighur minority. Reports from the Xinjiang region, home to the Uighur population, indicate that China has arrested around one million Uighur citizens and placed them in political and religious re-education camps.


RFA: China Mulls Visa Curbs on U.S. Nationals With Human Rights, Intelligence Background

Authorities in China are considering limiting visas issued to U.S. nationals linked to ‘anti-China’ organizations including rights groups and U.S. intelligence agencies, Reuters news agency reported.

The country’s ministry of public security is mulling rules that will limit the ability of anyone employed, or sponsored, by U.S. intelligence services and human rights groups to travel to China, the report cited anonymous sources as saying.

The news emerged after the U.S. announced visa restrictions on Tuesday restricting visas for Chinese government and ruling Chinese Communist Party officials deemed responsible for the detention or abuse of Muslim minorities in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR).

“This is not something we want to do but we don’t seem to have any choice,” Reuters quoted one source as saying.

Employees of U.S. military and CIA-linked institutions and rights groups would be added to a new visa blacklist under the new rules, the source said.

“The plan has been widely discussed by senior police officers over recent months, but made more likely to be implemented after the Hong Kong protests and the U.S. visa ban on Chinese officials,” the source said.

The plan also comes after Washington added Chinese tech giant Huawei Technologies Co and 70 affiliates to a list companies that are banned from acquiring components and technology from U.S. firms without U.S. government approval.


RFA: Family of Uyghur in Belgium Under House Arrest After Abduction From Embassy in Beijing

The wife and children of a Uyghur man living in Belgium are under house arrest in northwest China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), months after they were abducted from the Belgian Embassy in Beijing by Chinese authorities, according to the man.

Huriyet Abdulla, 43, had travelled to Beijing from the XUAR with her four children in late May seeking visas from the Belgian Embassy that would allow them to join her 51-year-old husband Ablimit Tursun in Brussels, where he was granted refugee status in late 2017 after his brother was sent to an internment camp, Tursun told RFA’s Uyghur Service in June.

On May 28, when staffers at the embassy informed her that the documents would take longer than expected to issue, she replied that she was too afraid to return to her hotel room in the city after police had visited them twice already to determine the purpose of their visit, and refused to leave the building, Tursun said.

Shortly after midnight on May 29, Chinese authorities entered the grounds of the embassy, forcibly removed Abdulla and her children to their hotel, where they spent the following night, and on May 31 confiscated their phones and drove them nearly 30 hours home to the XUAR capital Urumqi.

After 18 days without contact, Tursun briefly spoke with his wife, who told him that authorities had returned her phone and that she and the children were “safe at home” in Urumqi, although it was unclear what kind of situation they were in and whether police were in their house when the call was made.

Earlier this month, however, French media outlets and the Brussels-based Hurriyet Daily, cited Tursun as saying that his wife and four children—ages five to 17—are under house arrest and cannot travel anywhere without special permission.

He expressed frustration with Chinese authorities for refusing to issue passports for his wife and children, and thereby preventing them from reuniting with him in Belgium.

Speaking with RFA this week, Tursun said he was extremely concerned about the safety of his family, who he said are “under strict house arrest and surveillance” at their home in the XUAR capital.

“They are being watched all the time and are not allowed to leave the city,” he said.

He also told RFA that his wife is currently “under criminal investigation” for carrying “state secrets” after she brought his computer containing their family’s personal documents with her to Beijing in May.

“If there was anything sensitive, why would I ask her to carry it around,” Tursun asked.

“Their claims don’t make any sense. My wife was asked to sign a document [while she was detained] which stated that she took documents relating to state security to Beijing. My wife refused to sign it.”


Uyghur News (Wednesday, Oct 9, 2019)

Most links listed below can also be found at:

[*] China’s Repression of Uighurs in Xinjiang

[*] Congress questions govt over China’s U-turn on Kashmir, cites Xinjiang, Hong Kong protests

[*] Sanctions over China’s human rights could strengthen US position in trade talks, says economist

[*] Erik Prince’s company plans business in China province under human rights scrutiny according to financial disclosure

[*] NBA, Xinjiang Loom Over Low-Expectation Trade Talks In D.C.

[*] Diplomatic crisis after speech on Islamic welfare state lands PM in Xinjiang Muslim re-education camp

[*] Trump Slaps Visa Ban on Chinese Officials for Uyghur Persecution

[*] Mandatory DNA Collection Imposed to Expand National Database

[*] China ‘building cark parks and playgrounds’ over Uighur Muslim graveyards ‘to eradicate ethnic group’s identity’

[*] Then and now: China’s destruction of Uighur burial grounds

[*] Uighurs dismayed at Istanbul mayor’s decision to erect Chinese signs across city

[*] Chinese companies added to US blacklist for violating rights of Uighur Muslims

Uyghur News (Tuesday Oct 8, 2019)

Most links listed below can also be found at:

[*] US bars China officials over Uighur crackdown in Xinjiang

[*] US Blacklists 28 Chinese Entities Citing Rights Abuses in Xinjiang

[*] I Was a Model Uighur. China Took My Family Anyway.

[*] US puts visa restrictions on Chinese officials over abuse of Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang

[*] U.S. bans visas for officials linked to XinJiang abuses

[*] US imposes visa bans on Chinese officials linked to Xinjiang abuses!/us-imposes-visa-bans-on-chinese-officials-linked-to-xinjiang-abuses-20191008

[*] US puts Chinese surveillance tech firms on economic blacklist over Uyghur abuse

[*] Ilham Tohti Shortlisted for the European Union’s Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought

[*] Student government boots Chinese student group for siccing Chinese authorities on Uyghur activist

[*] U.S. Blacklists 28 Chinese Companies Over Muslim Internment Camps

[*] Demings supports blacklisting Chinese groups linked to human rights abuses

[*] MIT is reviewing its relationship with AI startup SenseTime, one of the Chinese tech firms blacklisted by the U.S.

[*] ‘If They Send Us Back to China We Will Die’: Uighur Brothers Fight Deportation From Russia

[*] The U.N. says as many as 1 million ethnic Uighurs and other Muslim minorities from northwestern China are being held in government detention.

Uyghur News (Monday, Oct 7, 2019)

Most links listed below can also be found at:

[*] US blacklists China organisations over Xinjiang ‘Uighur abuse’

[*] China Has Begun Moving Xinjiang Muslim Detainees To Formal Prisons, Relatives Say

[*] Disturbing video shows hundreds of blindfolded prisoners in Xinjiang

[*] Uyghur Language School Co-Founder Detained in Xinjiang Internment Camp

[*] US blacklists 28 Chinese entities, citing their role in repressing Uyghur Muslims

[*] U.S. Blacklists 28 Chinese Companies Over Muslim Internment Camps

[*] Hopes for US-China trade deal dim amid backlash over treatment of Uighur Muslims, Hong-Kong protests

[*] U.S. blacklists Chinese tech firms, agencies, over Uighur mistreatment as trade talks resume

New Information about Uyghurs in East Turkestan—News Brief (9)

In my News Brief (6) posted on July 5, 2019, I stated the following:

“[4] Starting from 2016, the local government of Toksun County took 2 types of bloods from their Uyghur population. The first type is for the collection of DNA and other bio-information. This type of blook was taken in a small amount. But the second type was taken to use as blood plasma. Each Uyghur’s blood was taken up to 6 times per month in this case. Plasma is used to treat different kinds of serious health problems [4], and Uyghurs’ blood plasma is being used to make commercial health products in China.”

We have just learned that one Chinese company that is carrying out blood product manufacturing in East Turkestan is called “Xinjiang Deyuan Biological Engineering Co., Ltd” ( Here is what that company says in its website about itself:

“Xinjiang Deyuan Biological Engineering Co., Ltd. was established in May 1994. It is the only blood product manufacturer approved by the state in Xinjiang with a registered capital of 46.66 million yuan. The company is located at No.399 Dongrong Street, North District Industrial Park, High-tech Zone, Urumqi. It covers an area of 136.6 acres and has a total investment of 500 million yuan.
The company is a high-tech enterprise engaged in the production, sales and research and development of blood products. It is an industry with strong specialization, strict production technology, environment and process management, and strict control of the state.

The company’s new blood product production line is designed and constructed in accordance with the requirements of GMP (2010 edition). It processes 800-1000 tons of healthy human plasma annually. It passed GMP certification inspection in November 2016 and is capable of producing human albumin, immunoglobulin and blood coagulation factors. 3 major categories of products. The company has 13 independent plasma collection stations and 5 plasma processing centers in Xinjiang, and ranks among the top in the domestic industry. The mining area covers 49 counties and cities, with a population of more than 10 million, accounting for more than 40% of the total Xinjiang population.” (Translated from Chinese by Dr. Memet Emin)

October 6, 2019

Uyghur News (Saturday, Oct 5, 2019)

Most links listed below can also be found at:

[*] Abortion, IUDs and sexual humiliation: Muslim women who fled China for Kazakhstan recount ordeals

[*] The Trump Administration Needs Policies to Match its Xinjiang Criticism

[*] China Calls It Re-Education, but Uighur Muslims Say It’s ‘Unbearable Brutality’

From camps to prisons: Xinjiang’s next great human rights catastrophe

Gene Bunin · Wednesday, October 2, 2019
Small preamble: I had originally intended this article for a wider audience, but as traditional media is slow and I don’t have a speed pass, I’ve decided to get it out ASAP given the urgency of the topic. No doubt that this will lose me a lot of readers and what would have been a nice financial reward, but tough luck. Please read, share, and – if you like – republish, as this is one of the crucial issues in Xinjiang right now and needs to be spotlighted immediately, since very many people are getting sentenced, probably as you read this. In fact, one of the things that made me lose patience and self-publish was a friend telling me about three more upcoming sentences (Imam Rozi’s family) and asking me “what do we do?” Unfortunately, my answer for now is only: keep talking about it, keep showing evidence. For me personally, it’s this article. Here’s hoping that many more follow.

Just a little over a decade ago, the facility on 1327 Dongzhan Road, a few kilometers north of the forlorn freight station in the northern outskirts of Xinjiang’s Urumqi, was mostly trees and grass. On September 16, 2009, it officially became the new location of the Xinjiang Women’s Prison and of the Qixin Clothing Factory (run by “marketing specialist” Zong Liang, a Party member for whom prisons were his entire career). The move came on the heels of the infamous July 5 riots, and it wouldn’t be long before the new facility received what would become its first high-profile inmate – the writer, website moderator, and government employee Gulmire Imin. Convicted of “splittism, leaking state secrets, and organizing an illegal demonstration”, Imin was sentenced to life in a closed trial, despite alleged torture and lack of access to a lawyer.

In the years that followed, the prison compound saw the construction of several new buildings, the continued operation of Qixin (together with the addition of another clothing company), and allegations of abuse, torture, and illegal imprisonment by Falun Gong groups. Despite continued international attention, Gulmire Imin was not freed, and – with the coming of Chen Quanguo in late 2016 – has instead been joined by other women whose modest biographies are in stark contrast with the gravity of their sentences. One of them, Buzeynep Abdureshit, a 27-year-old whose only possible “crimes” were having studied in Egypt and having a husband abroad, was sentenced to seven years in 2017 for “assembling a crowd to disturb social order”. In June of this year, the prison also became home to Nurzada Zhumaqan and Erlan Qabden – both ethnic Kazakh women in their fifties, both with health issues, and both having committed no identifiable crime. Their prison terms? 20 and 19 years, respectively.

Guards at a registration booth of the women’s prison in Urumqi. (source: “Xinjiang Prison Discipline Inspection and Supervision” WeChat account.)

Their barbarian nature aside, these recent sentences are particularly worrying as they indicate the likely direction in which the repressions in Xinjiang are now heading. Following a year and a half of the incarceration of millions in police detention centers and de facto concentration camps, the Chinese authorities have unmistakably changed course in the fall of 2018. In an effort to fend off both international condemnation and the increased media coverage, Beijing has reacted by launching a campaign to whitewash the camps – through media propaganda, Potemkin tours, and solicited diplomatic approval – while simultaneously dismantling the system and releasing many into various forms of residential surveillance or forced job placement. However, as suggested by the government’s own statistics, some limited reporting, and the new evidence presented by victims’ relatives and former detainees in neighboring Kazakhstan, an incredible number of those detained in 2017 and 2018 are now being given lengthy sentences and transferred to major prisons like the one in Urumqi.

The official incarceration notice for Erlan Qabden (with corresponding English translation by the author).

For Aibota Zhanibek, the older of Nurzada Zhumaqan’s daughters and now Kazakhstan citizen, the news was especially heartbreaking as it came around the New Year – a time when many in Kazakhstan were learning that their relatives had been let out of camps in the wave of mass releases in late December 2018. While many shared the good news, Zhanibek would learn that her mother had not been released but instead had been given a 15-year sentence (later confirmed as 20). The charges, officially presented as “using superstition to undermine law enforcement” and “assembling a crowd to disturb social order”, were, according to Zhanibek, founded on her mother having studied with an imam in 2005, praying and teaching others how to pray, and letting her younger daughter briefly study religion at a girls school in Yunnan province. Another supposed charge, dismissed by Zhanibek as completely absurd, is that her mother – a shop owner and housewife – had called on other women to cover their faces. In the case of Erlan Qabden, a nurse from another county of the same prefecture as Zhumaqan, the charges – “using extremism to undermine law enforcement”, “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” – are just as vague, and the probable roots equally strange. According to her relatives in Kazakhstan, Qabden was detained for attending a weekly flagraising ceremony with a headscarf on – a necessity given the medical treatment she was undergoing at the time.

At the office of the Atajurt Kazakh Human Rights organization in Almaty, where Zhanibek appears weekly to appeal for her mother on camera and the only place in the world that offers such a service, things are no longer as busy as they once were, following a government crackdown on the group’s activity. Still, of the twenty-odd people who do come to testify and appeal on a given week, the vast majority no longer talk of camps – as was the case a year ago – but of prisons. Most of the information is fragmentary and corrupted by hearsay, and only in a small handful of cases do people have the official documents to prove their relatives’ imprisonment. However, just talking to a dozen or so of the appealing parties is sufficient to start noticing the trends: the long sentences, the months or even years of pre-trial detention, and the “popular” destinations (a prison in Wusu City, the “Zhanga Turme” prison in Kunes County’s Qarabura Township, the recently constructed Bingtuan Prison in southwestern Urumqi). Religious men, in particular, appear to be especially targeted for formal imprisonment.

Owing to Atajurt’s months of evidence gathering – presented to the world as thousands of public video testimonies and parsed into usable form by the Xinjiang Victims Database – a statistical profiling of the victims, even if approximate, makes it possible to corroborate some of these observations in a more rigorous manner. In comparing the 204 Kazakh victims who are reported to have received prison sentences with the 229 Kazakh victims who were reported released from camp, one notices a striking contrast: over 90% of the sentenced are men (cf., 69% of the released), with almost 75% believed to be detained for religious reasons (cf., 27%), as opposed to for going abroad (i.e., to Kazakhstan) or having contact with the outside world (e.g., using the WhatsApp chat client). The older demographic (55+) is also less represented among the sentenced, while the youngest (18-35) is represented slightly more.

A comparison of age, gender, and detention-reason distributions for Kazakh victims who have been sentenced to prison vs. Kazakh victims who were released from camp. (source: Xinjiang Victims Database, accessed on September 17, 2019)

In addition to being consistent with the appeals of those currently visiting the Atajurt office, this apparent persecution of religious men is further corroborated by former members of China’s religious system. Nurbergen*, once a government-licensed imam who himself followed the Party line and preached its ideology prior to his relocation to Kazakhstan a few years ago, talks of how the government had taken him and other imams on study tours around inner China, training them to be loyal and patriotic, but only to ultimately jail most of them in the recent crackdowns. One of his former colleagues, Nurgazy Malik – the editor-in-chief of the government-approved “Friday Sermon” magazine – was said to have died in detention last November, with friends and relatives in Kazakhstan holding a funeral for him soon after.

“They raised us like sheep,” Nurbergen says. “They took us all around the country, trained us. And then, having fattened us up, slaughtered us.”

In a recently published interview in The Believer, Qulzhabek Nurdangazy, another former state-approved imam having since relocated to Kazakhstan, says much of the same – noting that the imams were among the first targets of the mass detentions, which then gradually spread to anyone having anything to do with Islam.

Another stunning statistic is the alleged length of the sentences. An analysis of 311 victims with reported prison terms shows an average sentence of 11.2 years, with 89% of the sentenced given a term of 5 years or longer. While it should be underscored that the vast majority of the reported numbers are obtained through oral testimony, which in turn is often based on hearsay, those cases for which official notices are available – such as Zhumaqan’s (20 years) or Qabden’s (19 years) – appear to suggest that these reports are not mere exaggerations. There are also cases when the number is “semi-official”, such as that of Qaliolla Tursyn – a 70-year-old legal consultant whose entire family, wife and two sons, was detained in March 2018 after he tried to send a complaint to the authorities in Beijing. While going to the Chinese consulate in Almaty to submit an invitation letter, Tursyn’s daughter-in-law says that she was taken aside by three members of the consular staff and told that Tursyn had been given a 20-year sentence, though no official documentation was presented.

The reported prison terms of victims who have been sentenced in Xinjiang since late 2016. (source: Xinjiang Victims Database, accessed on September 17, 2019)

Among the documented cases, there are also those that offer insight into how long a person can be detained – sometimes extralegally – prior to being sentenced. An analysis of 65 such victims detained for 2 months or longer shows that, for these victims, the average pre-sentence detention was approximately 9 months, with over 30% held for a year or longer. In the case of detention within China’s legal framework, this usually means being interned in a pre-trial detention center (kanshousuo) – a notoriously abused institution where former detainees have reported extreme mistreatment and horrible living conditions.

Durations that victims spent in prolonged detention, of 2 months or longer, prior to being sentenced. (source: Xinjiang Victims Database, accessed on September 17, 2019)

However, there are also very strong grounds to believe that those interned extralegally in the region’s “re-education” camps are also being sentenced while still in the camps. Two Kazakh ex-detainees that I spoke to – both having spent the majority of 2018 in the “re-education” centers – talked of witnessing “open court sessions”, where camp inmates were assigned prison sentences based on any number of “transgressions” or displays of poor “study” performance. One of the two, Ruslan*, a Kazakhstan citizen who was able to return to Kazakhstan just months ago, says that this started towards the end of last year. Picking up his phone, he contacts another ex-detainee from the same facility for help remembering the names of four fellow inmates who were given prison sentences of 10 years or longer: Abdunasir, Paruq, Syndar, Zhiger.

While he does not know their last names, Ruslan recognizes the photo of the last one – Zhiger Toqai, his former cellmate and a student at the Satbayev University in Almaty, who returned to China during the 2017 summer break and was arrested for allegedly writing a poetry verse about how Kazakh women shouldn’t get married to Han Chinese men. Toqai’s relatives in Kazakhstan had started appealing for him in January.

University student Zhiger Toqai, arrested in the summer of 2017, was first sent to camp, then sentenced to over 10 years in prison in 2018 (as confirmed by both his relatives and those who were in camp with him).

“People who got less than 10 years stayed there,” Ruslan recalls. “The ones who got 10 or more were sent off to the real prisons.”

Ergali Ermek, another ex-detainee who spent over a year in detention before being released at the end of last year, mentions the “10-year rule” as well, while adding that at his facility the sentencings started in early 2018, but that it would only be in October that the people given long sentences started being taken and bussed away at night. He himself did not attend any of the “open sessions”, but does recall his cellmates talking about them.

Finally, in a recently published interview, Rahima Senbai, who spent about a year in detention before being released and eventually allowed back to Kazakhstan, recalls a single day in camp that was unlike the rest:

“Except for the day I arrived and the day I left, only one day in the camp was different. That was the day of the open trial. They brought in seven women from a nearby prison who had been charged with gathering in a private home to pray together. During Ramadan, in the evening, you celebrate auyzashar [iftar], and the seven women had organized a meal and a prayer. That was their crime. At the trial, they read these accusations and sentenced each of the women to seven years in prison. They called it open court. None of the women spoke.”

Whether intentionally or at the mercy of their own momentum, the Chinese authorities in Xinjiang appear to be creating yet another fight-or-die scenario without a middle ground. By employing their legal framework to do what the extralegal ultimately could not, they are effectively casting away all pretenses of legitimacy, and giving many no choice but to do the unthinkable – to defy China its sovereign right to decide what is and isn’t legal.

And yet, there do remain indications that the unthinkable may not be that wild after all, as the ease with which the sentences are given may signal the ease of their repeal. Ruslan recalls how he too was sentenced to 7 years for having gone to Kazakhstan, before being released a month or two later. Ergali Ermek was sentenced also – being taken to a formal court in April 2018 and given a 3-year term for four different reasons, the verdict officially stamped. Yet in the December of the same year, following what he believes was pressure from the Kazakhstan government, officials visited his facility and asked the inmates which of them had relatives in Kazakhstan, with Ermek raising his hand and ultimately being let go not long after. Finally, in what may be the most inspirational case so far, Gulbahar Haitiwaji – an Uyghur woman with French residence who was arrested in early 2017 and sentenced to 7 years at the end of 2018 for “disturbing social order” – made it back to France just recently, following her daughter’s persistent campaigning.
While there is much to despair about in the Xinjiang of today, the same wanton abuse of the law that gives rise to the despair is also what opens the door for hope and possibility. Perhaps, even for those like Gulmire Imin.

* Names altered at the sources’ request.

Gene A. Bunin is an independent scholar who has spent over a decade researching the Uyghur language in Xinjiang, with about half of that time spent in the region. Since 2018, he has been the curator of the Xinjiang Victims Database ( – the world’s largest searchable platform documenting the victims of the Xinjiang repressions.